Africa is in a state of barbarism; and no power in Europe hath either

such an extent of coast, or such an internal supply of materials.
Where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other;

to America only hath she been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia
is almost shut out from the sea: wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar,

iron, and cordage are only articles of commerce.
In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the

little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we might
have trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and slept

securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The case now
is altered, and our methods of defense ought to improve with our increase

of property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, might have come up
the Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia under instant contribution,

for what sum he pleased; and the same might have happened to other places.
Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns might have

robbed the whole continent, and carried off half a million of money.
These are circumstances which demand our attention, and point out

the necessity of naval protection.
Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up Britain,

she will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean,
that she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose?

Common sense will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured
to subdue us, is of all others the most improper to defend us.

Conquest may be effected under the pretence of friendship;
and ourselves after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated

into slavery. And if her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours,
I would ask, how is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles

off can be of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none at all.
Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves?

The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not
a tenth part of them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of them

not in being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list,
f only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part of such as are

fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time.
The East and West Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts

over which Britain extends her claim, make large demands upon her navy.
From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted a false

notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if we should
have the whole of it to encounter at once, and for that reason, supposed,

that we must have one as large; which not being instantly practicable,
have been made use of by a set of disguised Tories to discourage

our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther from truth than this;
for if America had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain,

she would be by far an overmatch for her; because, as we neither have,
nor claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on

our own coast, where we should, in the long run, have two to one the advantage
of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over,

before they could attack us, and the same distance to return
in order to refit and recruit. And although Britain, by her fleet,

hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her trade
to the West Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the continent,

is entirely at its mercy.
Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of peace,

if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy.
If premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ in their

service ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns,
(the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants)

fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on constant duty,
would keep up a sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselves

with the evil so loudly complained of in England, of suffering their fleet,
in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks. To unite the sinews

of commerce and defense is sound policy; for when our strength
and our riches play into each other's hand, we need fear no external enemy.

In almost every article of defense we abound. Hemp flourishes even
to rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior

to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world.
Cannon we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every

day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our
inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. Wherefore,

what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain we can
expect nothing but ruin. If she is once admitted to the government

of America again, this Continent will not be worth living in.
Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening;

and who will go forth to quell them? Who will venture his life to reduce his
own countrymen to a foreign obedience? The difference between Pennsylvania

and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands, shews the insignificance
of a British government, and fully proves, that nothing but Continental

authority can regulate Continental matters.
Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is,

that the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied,
which instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants,

may be hereafterapplied, not only to the discharge of the present debt,
but to the constant support of government. No nation under heaven hath

such an advantage at this.
The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far

from being against, is an argument in favour of independance.
We are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united.

It is a matter worthy of observation, that the mare a country is peopled,
the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded

the modems: and the reason is evident. for trade being the consequence
of population, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to

anything else. Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism
and military defence. And history sufficiently informs us, that the

bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation.
With the increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city

of London, notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults
with the patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing

are they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit
to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.

Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in individuals.
It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the Continent into one

government half a century hence. The vast variety of interests,
occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create confusion.

Colony would be against colony. Each being able might scorn each other's
assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little

distinctions, the wise would lament, that the union had not been formed before.
Wherefore, the PRESENT TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it.

The intimacy which is contracted in infancy, and the friendship which
is formed in misfortune, are, of all others, the most lasting and unalterable.

Our present union is marked with both these characters: we are young
and we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles,

and fixes a memorable are for posterity to glory in.
The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never happens

to a nation but once, viz. the time of forming itself into a government.
Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have been

compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of making laws
for themselves. First, they had a king, and then a form of government;

whereas, the articles or charter of government, should be formed first,
and men delegated to execute them afterward but from the errors of other

nations, let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity
--TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT AT THE RIGHT END.

When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the
point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of government,

in America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we shall be in
danger of having it filled by some fortunateruffian, who may treat us

in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom? where our property?
As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all government,

to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other
business which government hath to do therewith, Let a man throw aside

that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards
of all professions are willing to part with, and he will be at delivered

of his fears on that head. Suspicion is the companion of mean souls,
and the bane of all good society. For myself, I fully and conscientiously

believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity
of religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our Christian

kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our religious dispositions
would want matter for probation; and on this liberal principle, I look

on the various denominations among us, to be like children of the same family,
differing only, in what is called, their Christian names.

In page forty, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a
Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans)

and in this place, I take the liberty of rementioning the subject,