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by observing, that a charter is to be understood as a bond



of solemnobligation, which the whole enters into,

to support the right of every separate part,



whether of religion, personal freedom, or property.

A firm bargain and a right reckoning make long friends.



In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large

and equal representation; and there is no political matter



which more deserves our attention. A small number of electors,

or a small number of representatives, are equally dangerous.



But if the number of the representatives be not only small,

but unequal, the danger is increased. As an instance of this,



I mention the following; when the Associators petition was before

the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present,



all the Bucks county members, being eight, voted against it,

and had seven of the Chester members done the same, this whole province had



been governed by two counties only, and this danger it is always exposed to.

The unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house made



in their last sitting, to gain an undue authority over the delegates

of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power



out of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates

were put together, which in point of sense and business would have



dishonoured a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a VERY FEW

without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed



IN BEHALF OF THE WHOLE COLONY; whereas, did the whole colony know,

with what ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public measures,



they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust.

Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued



would grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are different things.

When the calamities of America required a consultation, there was no



method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to appoint persons from

the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with



which they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin.

But as it is more than probable that we shall never be without a



CONGRESS, every well wisher to good order, must own, that the mode

for choosing members of that body, deserves consideration. And I put it



as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether representation

and election is not too great a power for one and the same body of men



to possess? When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember,

that virtue is not hereditary.



It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are

frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes, Mr. Cornwall



(one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-York

Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said, consisted but



of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not

with decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary honesty.



[Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a large and equal

representation is to a state, should read Burgh's political disquisitions.]



TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however unwilling

they may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and striking reasons



may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously

as an open and determined declaration for independance. Some of which are,



FIRST. -- It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war,

for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators,



and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: hut while America calls

herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however well disposed



she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our present state

we may quarrel on for ever.



SECONDLY. -- It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will

give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that






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