nor INDEPENDANCE will be practicable. The king and his worthless

adherents are got at their old game of dividing the Continent,
and there are not wanting among us, Printers, who will be busy

in spreading specious falsehoods. The artful and hypocritical letter
which appeared a few months ago in two of the New York papers,

and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there are men
who want either judgment or honesty.

It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of reconciliation:
But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the task is, and how

dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide thereon. Do they
take within their view, all the various orders of men whose situation

and circumstances, as well as their own, are to be considered therein.
Do they put themselves in the place of the sufferer whose ALL

is ALREADY gone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted ALL for the defence
of his country. If their ill judged moderation be suited to their own

private situations only, regardless of others, the event will convince them,
that "they are reckoning without their Host."

Put us, says some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three:
To which I answer, the request is not now in the power of Britain

to comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were,
and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question,

By what means is such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept
to its engagements? Another parliament, nay, even the present,

may hereafterrepeal the obligation, on the pretense,
of its being violentlyobtained, or unwisely granted;

and in that case, Where is our redress?--No going to law
with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns;

and the sword, not of justice, but of war, decides the suit.
To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient,

that the laws only be put on the same state, but, that our circumstances,
likewise, be put on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired

or built up, our private losses made good, our public debts
(contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions

worse than we were at that enviable period. Such a request,
had it been complied with a year ago, would have won the heart

and soul of the Continent - but now it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed."
Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal

of a pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law,
and as repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms

to enforceobediencethereto. The object, on either side, doth not
justify the means; for the lives of men are too valuable

to be cast away on such trifles. It is the violence which is done
and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our property

by an armed force; the invasion of our country by fire and sword,
which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which

such a mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought
to have ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered,

as dating its aera from, and published by, THE FIRST MUSKET THAT WAS FIRED
AGAINST HER. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn by caprice,

nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of events,
of which the colonies were not the authors.

I shall conclude these remarks with the following timely
and well intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are

three different ways by which an independancy may hereafter
be effected; and that ONE of those THREE, will one day or other,

be the fate of America, viz. By the legal voice of the people
in Congress; by a military power; or by a mob--It may not always

happen that OUR soldiers are citizens, and the multitude
a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked,

is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an independancy
be brought about by the first of those means, we have every

opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the
noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have

it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation,
similar to the present, hath not happened since the days

of Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand,
and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains,

are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months.
The Reflexion is awful--and in this point of view, How trifling,

how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavillings, of a few weak
or interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world.

Should we neglect the present favourable and inviting period,
and an Independance be hereafter effected by any other means,

we must charge the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather,
whose narrow and prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure,

without either inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given
in support of Independance, which men should rather privately think of,

than be publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether
we shall be independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm,

secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon.
Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such beings

yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most solicitous to promote it;
for, as the appointment of committees at first, protected them from

popular rage, so, a wise and well established form of government,
will be the only certain means of continuing it securely to them.

WHEREFORE, if they have not virtue enough to be WHIGS,
they ought to have prudence enough to wish for Independance.

In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep
us together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will

be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well,
as a cruel enemy. We shall then too, be on a proper footing,

to treat with Britain; for there is reason to conclude,
that the pride of that court, will be less hurt by treating

with the American states for terms of peace, than with those,
whom she denominates, "rebellious subjects," for terms of accommodation.

It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for conquest, and our
backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As we have, without any good

effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a redress of our grievances,
let us now try the alternative, by independantly redressing them ourselves,

and then offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part
in England, will be still with us; because, peace with trade, is preferable

to war without it. And if this offer be not accepted, other courts
may be applied to.

On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath
yet been made to refute the doctrine contained in the former

editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either
the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the party in favour

of it are too numerous to be opposed. WHEREFORE, instead
of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity;

let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of
friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of

oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissension.
Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other

be heard among us, than those of A GOOD CITIZEN,
AN OPEN AND RESOLUTE FRIEND, AND A VIRTUOUS SUPPORTER

OF THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND AND OF THE _FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA_.
To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called Quakers,

or to so many of them as were concerned in publishing the late piece,
entitled "THE ANCIENT TESTIMONY and PRlNCIPLES of the People called QUAKERS

renewed, with Respect to the KING and GOVERNMENT, and touching the COMMOTIONS
now prevailing in these and other parts of AMERICA addressed to the

PEOPLE IN GENERAL."
The Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonours religion

either by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatsoever.
To God, and not to man, are all men accountable on the score of religion.

Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly addressed to you as a religious,
but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which the professed Quietude

of your Principles instruct you not to meddle with. As you have, without
a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves in the place of the whole body

of the Quakers, so, the writer of this, in order to be on an equal rank
with yourselves, is under the necessity, of putting himself in the place

of all those, who, approve the very writings and principles, against which,
your testimony is directed: And he hath chosen this singular situation,

in order, that you might discover in him that presumption of character
which you cannot see in yourselves. For neither he nor you can have any

claim or title to POLITICAL REPRESENTATION.
When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they

stumble and fall. And it is evident from the manner in which ye have
managed your testimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men)

is not your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to you,
it is, nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely together,

and the conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjust.
The two first pages, (and the whole doth not make four) we give you

credit for, and expect the same civility from you, because the love
and desire of peace is not confined to Quakerism, it is the natural,

as well the religious wish of all denominations of men. And on this ground,
as men labouring to establish an Independant Constitution of our own, do we