``If political
equality is the basis of social
equality,
and if by granting political
equality you lay the
foundation for a claim of social
equality, I can only
answer that you have already laid that claim. You
did not wait for woman
suffrage, but disfranchised
both your black and your white women, thus making
them politically equal. But you have done more
than that. You have put the
ballot into the hands
of your black men, thus making them the political
superiors of your white women. Never before in the
history of the world have men made former slaves
the political masters of their former mistresses!''
The point went home and it went deep. I drove
it in a little further.
``The women of the South are not alone,'' I said,
``in their
humiliation. All the women of America
share it with them. There is no other nation in the
world in which women hold the position of political
degradation our American women hold to-day.
German women are governed by German men;
French women are governed by French men. But
in these United States American women are gov-
erned by every race of men under the light of the
sun. There is not a color from white to black, from
red to yellow, there is not a nation from pole to
pole, that does not send its contingent to govern
American women. If American men are
willing to
leave their women in a position as degrading as this
they need not be surprised when American women
resolve to lift themselves out of it.''
For a full moment after I had finished there was
absolute silence in the
audience. We did not know
what would happen. Then, suddenly, as the truth
of the statement struck them, the men began to
applaud--and the danger of that situation was over.
Another
episode had its part in driving the suf-
frage lesson home to Southern women. The Legis-
lature had passed a bill permitting tax-paying women
to vote at any
election where special taxes were to
be imposed for improvements, and the first
electionfollowing the passage of this bill was one in New
Orleans, in which the question of better
drainagefor the city was before the public. Miss Gordon
and the
suffrage association known as the Era
Club entered
enthusiastically into the fight for good
drainage. According to the law women could vote
by proxy if they preferred, instead of in person, so
Miss Gordon drove to the homes of the old con-
servative Creole families and other families whose
women were un
willing to vote in public, and she
collected their proxies while
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incidentally she showed
them what position they held under the law.
With each proxy it was necessary to have the signa-
ture of a
witness, but according to the Louisiana law
no woman could
witness a legal
document. Miss
Gordon was
driven from place to place by her colored
coachman, and after she had secured the proxy of
her
temporaryhostess it was usually discovered that
there was no man around the place to act as a wit-
ness. This was Miss Gordon's opportunity. With
a smile of great
sweetness she would say, ``I will
have Sam come in and help us out''; and the colored
coachman would get down from his box, and by
scrawling his
signature on the proxy of the aristo-
cratic lady he would give it the legal value it lacked.
In this way Miss Gordon secured three hundred
proxies, and three hundred very
conservative women
had an opportunity to compare their legal standing
with Sam's. The
drainage bill was carried and in-
terest in woman
suffrage developed steadily.
The special
incident of the Buffalo convention of
1908 was the
receipt of a note which was passed up
to me as I sat on the
platform. When I opened it
a check dropped out--a check so large that I was
sure it had been sent by mistake. However, after
asking one or two friends on the
platform if I had