corrected and enlarged them, and had 200. copies printed, under the
title of Notes on Virginia. I gave a very few copies to some
particular persons in Europe, and sent the rest to my friends in
America. An European copy, by the death of the owner, got into the
hands of a bookseller, who engaged it's
translation, & when ready for
the press, communicated his intentions &
manuscript to me, without
any other
permission than that of suggesting corrections. I never
had seen so
wretched an attempt at
translation. Interverted,
abridged, mutilated, and often reversing the sense of the original, I
found it a blotch of errors from
beginning to end. I corrected some
of the most material, and in that form it was printed in French. A
London bookseller, on
seeing the
translation, requested me to permit
him to print the English original. I thought it best to do so to let
the world see that it was not really so bad as the French
translationhad made it appear. And this is the true history of that
publication.
Mr. Adams soon joined us at Paris, & our first
employment was
to prepare a general form to be proposed to such nations as were
disposed to treat with us. During the negotiations for peace with
the British Commissioner David Hartley, our Commissioners had
proposed, on the
suggestion of Doctr. Franklin, to
insert an article
exempting from
capture by the public or private armed ships of either
belligerent, when at war, all merchant vessels and their cargoes,
employed merely in carrying on the
commerce between nations. It was
refused by England, and unwisely, in my opinion. For in the case of
a war with us, their superior
commerce places
infinitely more at
hazard on the ocean than ours; and as hawks
abound in
proportion to
game, so our privateers would swarm in
proportion to the wealth
exposed to their prize, while
theirs would be few for want of
subjects of
capture. We
inserted this article in our form, with a
provision against the molestation of fishermen, husbandmen, citizens
unarmed and following their occupations in unfortified places, for
the
humanetreatment of prisoners of war, the
abolition of contraband
of war, which exposes merchant vessels to such vexatious & ruinous
detentions and abuses; and for the principle of free bottoms, free
goods.
In a
conference with the Count de Vergennes, it was thought
better to leave to
legislativeregulation on both sides such
modifications of our
commercialintercourse as would voluntarily flow
from amicable dispositions. Without urging, we sounded the
ministers
of the several European nations at the court of Versailles, on their
dispositions towards
mutualcommerce, and the expediency of
encouraging it by the
protection of a treaty. Old Frederic of
Prussia met us
cordially and without
hesitation, and appointing the
Baron de Thulemeyer, his
minister at the Hague, to
negotiate with us,
we communicated to him our Project, which with little
alteration by
the King, was soon concluded. Denmark and Tuscany entered also into
negotiations with us. Other powers appearing
indifferent we did not
think it proper to press them. They seemed in fact to know little
about us, but as rebels who had been successful in throwing off the
yoke of the mother country. They were
ignorant of our
commerce,
which had been always monopolized by England, and of the exchange of
articles it might offer advantageously to both parties. They were
inclined
therefore to stand aloof until they could see better what
relations might be usefully instituted with us. The negotiations
therefore begun with Denmark & Tuscany we protracted designedly until
our powers had expired; and abstained from making new propositions to
others having no colonies; because our
commerce being an exchange of
raw for
wrought materials, is a
competent price for
admission into
the colonies of those possessing them: but were we to give it,
without price, to others, all would claim it without price on the
ordinary ground of gentis amicissimae.
Mr. Adams being appointed Min. Pleny. of the U S. to London,
left us in June, and in July 1785. Dr. Franklin returned to America,
and I was appointed his
successor at Paris. In Feb. 1786. Mr. Adams
wrote to me pressingly to join him in London immediately, as he
thought he discovered there some symptoms of better disposition
towards us. Colo. Smith, his Secretary of legation, was the bearer
of his urgencies for my immediate attendance. I
accordingly left
Paris on the 1st. of March, and on my
arrival in London we agreed on
a very
summary form of treaty, proposing an exchange of citizenship
for our citizens, our ships, and our productions generally, except as
to office. On my
presentation as usual to the King and Queen at
their levees, it was impossible for anything to be more ungracious
than their notice of Mr. Adams & myself. I saw at once that the
ulcerations in the narrow mind of that mulish being left nothing to
be expected on the subject of my attendance; and on the first
conference with the Marquis of Caermarthen, his Minister of foreign
affairs, the distance and disinclination which he betrayed in his
conversation, the vagueness & evasions of his answers to us,
confirmed me in the
belief of their aversion to have anything to do
with us. We delivered him however our Projet, Mr. Adams not
despairing as much as I did of it's effect. We afterwards, by one or
more notes, requested his appointment of an
interview and
conference,
which, without directly declining, he evaded by pretences of other
pressing occupations for the moment. After staying there seven
weeks, till within a few days of the expiration of our
commission, I
informed the
minister by note that my duties at Paris required my
return to that place, and that I should with pleasure be the bearer
of any commands to his Ambassador there. He answered that he had
none, and wishing me a pleasant journey, I left London the 26th.
arrived at Paris on the 30th. of April.
While in London we entered into negotiations with the Chevalier
Pinto, Ambassador of Portugal at that place. The only article of
difficulty between us was a stipulation that our bread stuff should
be received in Portugal in the form of flour as well as of grain. He
approved of it himself, but observed that several Nobles, of great
influence at their court, were the owners of wind mills in the
neighborhood of Lisbon which depended much for their profits on
manufacturing our wheat, and that this stipulation would
endanger the
whole treaty. He signed it however, & it's fate was what he had
candidly portended.
My duties at Paris were confined to a few objects; the receipt
of our whale-oils, salted fish, and salted meats on
favorable terms,
the
admission of our rice on equal terms with that of Piedmont, Egypt
& the Levant, a mitigation of the monopolies of our
tobacco by the
Farmers-general, and a free
admission of our productions into their
islands; were the
principalcommercial objects which required
attention; and on these occasions I was powerfully aided by all the
influence and the energies of the Marquis de La Fayette, who proved
himself
equallyzealous for the friendship and
welfare of both
nations; and in justice I must also say that I found the government
entirely disposed to
befriend us on all occasions, and to yield us
every
indulgence not
absolutelyinjurious to themselves. The Count
de Vergennes had the
reputation with the
diplomatic corps of being
wary &
slippery in his
diplomaticintercourse; and so he might be
with those whom he knew to be
slippery and double-faced themselves.
As he saw that I had no
indirect views, practised no subtleties,
meddled in no intrigues, pursued no concealed object, I found him as
frank, as honorable, as easy of
access to reason as any man with whom
I had ever done business; and I must say the same for his
successorMontmorin, one of the most honest and
worthy of human beings.
Our
commerce in the Mediterranean was placed under early alarm
by the
capture of two of our vessels and crews by the Barbary
cruisers. I was very
willing" target="_blank" title="a.不愿意的;不情愿的">
unwilling that we should
acquiesce in the
European
humiliation of paying a
tribute to those
lawless pirates,
and endeavored to form an association of the powers subject to
habitual depredations from them. I
accordingly prepared and proposed
to their
ministers at Paris, for
consultation with their governments,
articles of a special
confederation in the following form.
* * *
"Proposals for concerted operation among the powers at war with
the Piratical States of Barbary.
1. It is proposed that the several powers at war with the
Piratical States of Barbary, or any two or more of them who shall be
willing, shall enter into a convention to carry on their operations
against those states, in concert,
beginning with the Algerines.
2. This convention shall remain open to any other power who