a sense of his own abilities or of the great service he has

rendered to his native land. He felt himself neglected; at the
very moment when the cry for his elevation rang throughout the

group he thought himself made little of on Mulinuu; and he began to
weary of his part. In this humour, he was exposed to a temptation

which I must try to explain, as best I may be able, to Europeans.
The bestowal of the great name, Malietoa, is in the power of the

district of Malie, some seven miles to the westward of Apia. The
most noisy and conspicuous supporters of that party are the

inhabitants of Manono. Hence in the elaborate, allusive oratory of
Samoa, Malie is always referred to by the name of PULE (authority)

as having the power of the name, and Manono by that of AINGA (clan,
sept, or household) as forming the immediate family of the chief.

But these, though so important, are only small communities; and
perhaps the chief numerical force of the Malietoas inhabits the

island of Savaii. Savaii has no royal name to bestow, all the five
being in the gift of different districts of Upolu; but she has the

weight of numbers, and in these latter days has acquired a certain
force by the preponderance in her councils of a single man, the

orator Lauati. The reader will now understand the peculiar
significance of a deputation which should embrace Lauati and the

orators of both Malie and Manono, how it would represent all that
is most effective on the Malietoa side, and all that is most

considerable in Samoan politics, except the opposite feudal party
of the Tupua. And in the temptation brought to bear on Mataafa,

even the Tupua was conjoined. Tamasese was dead. His followers
had conceived a not unnatural aversion to all Germans, from which

only the loyal Brandeis is excepted; and a not unnatural admiration
for their late successful adversary. Men of his own blood and

clan, men whom he had fought in the field, whom he had driven from
Matautu, who had smitten him back time and again from before the

rustic bulwarks of Lotoanuu, they approached him hand in hand with
their ancestral enemies and concurred in the same prayer. The

treaty (they argued) was not carried out. The right to elect their
king had been granted them; or if that were denied or suspended,

then the right to elect "his successor." They were dissatisfied
with Laupepa, and claimed, "according to the laws and customs of

Samoa," duly to appoint another. The orators of Malie declared
with irritation that their second appointment was alone valid and

Mataafa the sole Malietoa; the whole body of malcontents named him
as their choice for king; and they requested him in consequence to

leave Apia and take up his dwelling in Malie, the name-place of
Malietoa; a step which may be described, to European ears, as

placing before the country his candidacy for the crown.
I do not know when the proposal was first made. Doubtless the

disaffection grew slowly, every trifle adding to its force;
doubtless there lingered for long a willingness to give the new

government a trial. The chief justice at least had been nearly
five months in the country, and the president, Baron Senfft von

Pilsach, rather more than a month before the mine was sprung. On
May 31, 1891, the house of Mataafa was found empty, he and his

chiefs had vanished from Apia, and, what was worse, three
prisoners, liberated from the gaol, had accompanied them in their

secession; two being political offenders, and the third (accused of
murder) having been perhaps set free by accident. Although the

step had been discussed in certain quarters, it took all men by
surprise. The inhabitants at large expected instant war. The

officials awakened from a dream to recognise the value of that
which they had lost. Mataafa at Vaiala, where he was the pledge of

peace, had perhaps not always been deemed worthy of particular
attention; Mataafa at Malie was seen, twelve hours too late, to be

an altogether different quantity. With excess of zeal on the other
side, the officials trooped to their boats and proceeded almost in

a body to Malie, where they seem to have employed every artifice of
flattery and every resource of eloquence upon the fugitive high

chief. These courtesies, perhaps excessive in themselves, had the
unpardonable fault of being offered when too late. Mataafa showed

himself facile on small issues, inflexible on the main; he restored
the prisoners, he returned with the consuls to Apia on a flying

visit; he gave his word that peace should be preserved - a pledge
in which perhaps no one believed at the moment, but which he has

since nobly redeemed. On the rest he was immovable; he had cast
the die, he had declared his candidacy, he had gone to Malie.

Thither, after his visit to Apia, he returned again; there he has
practically since resided.

Thus was created in the islands a situation, strange in the
beginning, and which, as its inner significance is developed,

becomes daily stranger to observe. On the one hand, Mataafa sits
in Malie, assumes a regal state, receives deputations, heads his

letters "Government of Samoa," tacitly treats the king as a co-
ordinate; and yet declares himself, and in many ways conducts

himself, as a law-abiding citizen. On the other, the white
officials in Mulinuu stand contemplating the phenomenon with eyes

of growing stupefaction; now with symptoms of collapse, now with
accesses of violence. For long, even those well versed in island

manners and the island character daily expected war, and heard
imaginary drums beat in the forest. But for now close upon a year,

and against every stress of persuasion and temptation, Mataafa has
been the bulwark of our peace. Apia lay open to be seized, he had

the power in his hand, his followers cried to be led on, his
enemies marshalled him the same way by impotent examples; and he

has never faltered. Early in the day, a white man was sent from
the government of Mulinuu to examine and report upon his actions:

I saw the spy on his return; "It was only our rebel that saved us,"
he said, with a laugh. There is now no honest man in the islands

but is well aware of it; none but knows that, if we have enjoyed
during the past eleven months the conveniences of peace, it is due

to the forbearance of "our rebel." Nor does this part of his
conduct stand alone. He calls his party at Malie the government, -

"our government," - but he pays his taxes to the government at
Mulinuu. He takes ground like a king; he has steadily and blandly

refused to obey all orders as to his own movements or behaviour;
but upon requisition he sends offenders to be tried under the chief

justice.
We have here a problem of conduct, and what seems an image of

inconsistency, very hard at the first sight to be solved by any
European. Plainly Mataafa does not act at random. Plainly, in the

depths of his Samoan mind, he regards his attitude as regular and
constitutional. It may be unexpected, it may be inauspicious, it

may be undesirable; but he thinks it - and perhaps it is - in full
accordance with those "laws and customs of Samoa" ignorantly

invoked by the draughtsmen of the Berlin Act. The point is worth
an effort of comprehension; a man's life may yet depend upon it.

Let us conceive, in the first place, that there are five separate
kingships in Samoa, though not always five different kings; and

that though one man, by holding the five royal names, might become
king in ALL PARTS of Samoa, there is perhaps no such matter as a

kingship of all Samoa. He who holds one royal name would be, upon
this view, as much a sovereign person as he who should chance to

hold the other four; he would have less territory and fewer
subjects, but the like independence and an equal royalty. Now

Mataafa, even if all debatable points were decided against him, is
still Tuiatua, and as such, on this hypothesis, a sovereign prince.

In the second place, the draughtsmen of the Act, waxing exceeding
bold, employed the word "election," and implicitly justified all

precedented steps towards the kingship according with the "customs
of Samoa." I am not asking what was intended by the gentlemen who

sat and debated very benignly and, on the whole, wisely in Berlin;
I am asking what will be understood by a Samoan studying their

literary work, the Berlin Act; I am asking what is the result of