Digital media have made creating and disseminating text, sound, and images cheap, easy and global. The bulk of
publiclyavailable media is now created by people who understand little of the
professional standards and practices for media.
字媒体已经使文本、声音和图像信息的制作及传播变得简单、全球化且成本低廉。现在,大量的公开媒体信息是那些对专业标准知之甚少、缺乏媒体制作经验的人创造出来的。
Instead, these amateurs produce endless streams of mediocrity, eroding
cultural norms about quality and acceptability, and leading to
increasingly alarmed predictions of incipient chaos and
intellectualcollapse.
然而,这些业余人士接连不断地炮制平庸作品,损害了作品质量和满意度方面的文化准则,导致人们越来越惊慌地预测将会出现混乱和文化崩溃。
But of course, that's what always happens. Every increase in freedom to create or
consume media, from paperback books to YouTube, alarms people accustomed to the restrictions of the old
system,
convincing them that the new media will make young people
stupid. This fear dates back to at least the
invention" target="_blank" title="n.创造;发明;虚构">
invention of movable type.
但是,这样的事一直都在发生。从平装书到YouTube,媒体创作或消费自由的每一次扩大,都会令那些固守成规的人警觉起来,认为新的媒介会使年轻人变得愚蠢。这种担心至少可以追溯到活字印刷术的出现。
As Gutenberg's press spread through Europe, the Bible was translated into local languages, enabling direct encounters with the text; this was accompanied by a flood of
contemporaryliterature, most of it mediocre. Vulgar versions of the Bible and distracting
secularwritings fueled religious
unrest and civic
confusion, leading to claims that the printing press, if not controlled, would lead to chaos and the dismemberment of European
intellectual life.
随着古登堡(Gutenberg)活字印刷术在欧洲的推广,圣经被翻译成各地语言,这使得人们可以直接阅读圣经,随之涌现出一大批当代文学作品,但其中大部分都乏善可陈。粗制滥造的圣经版本和杂乱的世俗作品加深了民众对信仰的不安和困惑,最终导致有人断言,印刷机如果不加以控制,欧洲知识分子阶层的崩毁以及混乱不可避免。
These claims were, of course, correct. Print fueled the Protestant Reformation, which did indeed destroy the Church's pan-European hold on
intellectual life. What the 16th-century foes of print didn't imagine-couldn't imagine-was what followed: We built new norms around newly
abundant and
contemporaryliterature. Novels, newspapers,
scientific journals, the
separation of
fiction and non-
fiction, all of these innovations were created during the
collapse of the scribal
system, and all had the effect of increasing, rather than decreasing, the
intellectual range and
output of society.
这些看法当然正确。印刷术加快了新教改革(Protestant Reformation)的步伐,确实打破了教会对于全欧洲知识分子阶层的掌控。然而,16世纪反对印刷术的那些人没有料到──也不可能料到──接下来发生的事:我们为新涌现出来的当代文学设立了新规范。小说、报纸、科学期刊、小说和非小说的区分,所有这些新鲜事物都出现在书本誊抄体系瓦解之后,知识分子的范围和社会文化的产出也都随之扩大,而并不是萎缩。
To take a famous example, the
essentialinsight of the
scientific revolution was peer
review, the idea that science was a collaborative effort that included the feedback and
participation of others. Peer
review was a
culturalinstitution that took the printing press for granted as a means of distributing
research quickly and widely, but added the kind of
cultural constraints that made it valuable.
举一个有名的例子,科学革命的核心要义是同行评议,这种方法背后的理念是,科学是一种包括其他人的反馈以及参与的集体活动。作为一种文化机制,同行评议与用来快速和广泛传播科学研究的印刷机形成天作之合,但又同时又通过一种文化上的制约增添了印刷机的价值。
We are living through a similar
explosion of publishing capability today, where digital media link over a
billion people into the same
network. This linking together in turn lets us tap our cognitive
surplus, the trillion hours a year of free time the educated population of the
planet has to spend doing things they care about. In the 20th century, the bulk of that time was spent watching television, but our cognitive
surplus is so
enormous that diverting even a tiny
fraction of time from
consumption to
participation can create
enormouspositive effects.
今天,我们正在经历一场类似的出版能力的大规模膨胀,数字媒体将十亿以上的人口连接在同一个网络里。这种彼此连接反过来使我们得以充份利用自己的"认知盈余"(cognitive
surplus,即可用于学习的自由时间),让这个星球上受过教育的人口每年能把数以万亿计的空闲小时投入到他们关心的一些事情上。在20世纪,人们把大量的闲暇时间都花在看电视上;但我们的"认知盈余"如此庞大,只要把其中一点点从消费享受转移到参与创造中去,就可以产生巨大的正面效益。
Wikipedia took the idea of peer
review and
applied it to volunteers on a global scale, becoming the most important English
reference work in less than 10 years. Yet the cumulative time
devoted to creating Wikipedia, something like 100 million hours of human thought, is expended by Americans every
weekend, just watching ads. It only takes a
fractional shift in the direction of
participation to create
remarkable new
educational resources.
维基百科(Wikipedia)就把同行评议的方法应用到了全球维基志愿者的身上,使其在不到10年的时间里成为了最重要的英语类参考资源。人们贡献给维基百科的累积思考时间现在大约有1亿个小时,而美国人每个周末就要花费同样多的时间来看电视上的广告。也就是说,只要把看电视的时间拿出一点来,我们就能通过参与从而创造出如此优秀的新型教育资源。
Similarly, open source software, created without managerial control of the workers or
ownership of the product, has been
critical to the spread of the Web. Searches for everything from supernovae to prime numbers now happen as giant, distributed efforts. Ushahidi, the Kenyan
crisis mapping tool
invented in 2008, now aggregates citizen reports about crises the world over. PatientsLikeMe, a website designed to
acceleratemedicalresearch by getting patients to
publicly share their health information, has assembled a larger group of sufferers of Lou Gehrig's disease than any pharmaceutical
agency in history, by appealing to the shared sense of seeking
medical progress.
同样,没有工程师管理控制和产品专利保护的开源软件,在网络的发展普及进程中扮演了极其重要的角色。如今在网上搜索任何东西,无论是超新星还是素数,都是一项庞大的分工协作的任务。开源报警平台Ushahi在2008年被开发出来,一开始用于跟踪肯尼亚大选危机中的种族恐怖主义报导,现已成为一个全球范围的危急情况发布平台,任何人都可以通过各种形式向其提供重要信息。"病人如我"网站(PatientsLikeMe)是一个病人可以公开分享他们的健康信息以促进医学研究的网络社区,这里聚集了一大批鲁格里克氏症(Lou Gehrig's disease,即肌萎缩性脊髓侧索硬化症)患者,比历史上任何制药机构记录的都要多,这就是大家共同寻求医学进展的成果。
Of course, not everything people care about is a high-minded
project. Whenever media become more
abundant, average quality falls quickly, while new
institutional models for quality arise slowly. Today we have The World's Funniest Home Videos
running 24/7 on YouTube, while the potentially world-changing uses of cognitive
surplus are still early and special cases.
当然,并不是人们关心的每件事情都很高尚。媒体信息越丰富,平均质量就会急速降低,而新的高水准行业模式却在缓慢形成当中。今天,虽然我们能在YouTube上全天24小时观看"家庭滑稽录像"(The World's Funniest Home Videos),但具有全球范围影响力的"认知盈余"的应用方法仍处于萌芽阶段,仅有一些个案出现。
That always happens too. In the history of print, we got erotic novels 100 years before we got
scientific journals, and complaints about distraction have been rampant; no less a beneficiary of the printing press than Martin Luther complained, 'The
multitude of books is a great evil. There is no
measure of limit to this fever for
writing.' Edgar Allan Poe,
writing during another surge in publishing, concluded, 'The
enormousmultiplication of books in every branch of knowledge is one of the greatest evils of this age; since it presents one of the most serious obstacles to the
acquisition of correct information.'
这样的情况一直在发生。在印刷史上,情色小说的出现要比科学期刊早100年,而人们对于二流作品泛滥的怨言从来就没断过。马丁•路德(Martin Luther)无疑是印刷机的受益者,但他却抱怨说:"书籍的泛滥就像一个巨大的魔鬼,人们对于写作的狂热毫无节制。"埃德加•爱伦•坡(Edgar Allan Poe)的创作时期正值另一次出版热潮,他总结道:"每一个知识领域的书籍都大量泛滥,这是这个时代最大的一个魔鬼;因为它成为获取正确信息的最严重的障碍之一。"
The
response to distraction, then as now, was social
structure. Reading is an
unnatural act; we are no more evolved to read books than we are to use computers. Literate societies become literate by investing
extraordinary resources, every year, training children to read. Now it's our turn to figure out what
response we need to shape our use of digital tools.
现在和那个时候一样,过量信息带来社会结构的变化。阅读不是一种自然而然的行为;我们读书和使用电脑比起来,并没有更多的进化方面的优势。读写社会的形成是通过年复一年地投入巨量资源训练孩子如何阅读来完成的。现在轮到我们想一想,该做些什么来规范数字化工具的使用了。
The case for digitally-driven
stupidity assumes we'll fail to integrate digital freedoms into society as well as we integrated literacy. This
assumption in turn rests on three beliefs: that the recent past was a
glorious and irreplaceable high-water mark of
intellectualattainment; that the present is only characterized by the silly stuff and not by the noble experiments; and that this
generation of young people will fail to
inventcultural norms that do for the Internet's
abundance what the
intellectuals of the 17th century did for print
culture. There are
likewise three reasons to think that the Internet will fuel the
intellectual achievements of 21st-century society.
数字媒体的泛滥会让年轻人变蠢,这种说法的前提是认为我们无法把数字化所带来的自由融入到社会当中,无法取得人类当年把读写能力融入社会的那种成就。这种主张基于三点假设:一是在不久的过去,我们取得了辉煌而不可替代的高水平文化成就;二是当今的数字文化被糟粕所充斥,缺乏值得一提的尝试和创新;三是年轻一代不可能像17世纪知识分子对印刷文化所做的那样,形成互联网繁荣时代的文化规范。但同样,我这里也有三点理由,认为互联网会促进21世纪的文化进步。
First, the rosy past of the pessimists was not, on closer
examination, so rosy. The
decade the pessimists want to return us to is the 1980s, the last period before society had any
significant digital freedoms. Despite
frequent genuflection to European novels, we
actually spent a lot more time watching 'Diff'rent Strokes' than
reading Proust, prior to the Internet's spread. The Net, in fact, restores
reading and
writing as central activities in our
culture.
首先,悲观主义者眼中美好的过去,如果仔细看一下的话,并不是那么美好。悲观主义者想让我们退回到上世纪八十年代,那是任何数字化自由到来之前的最后年代。然而,在互联网普及之前,尽管对欧洲小说趋之若鹜,我们花在看电视剧"Diff'rent Strokes"上的时间,其实要比读普罗斯特(Proust)文学作品的时间多得多。事实上,互联网重新确立了阅读和写作在我们文化中的中心地位。
The present is, as noted, characterized by lots of throwaway
cultural artifacts, but the nice thing about throwaway material is that it gets thrown away. This issue isn't whether there's lots of dumb stuff online-there is, just as there is lots of dumb stuff in bookstores. The issue is whether there are any ideas so good today that they will
survive into the future. Several early uses of our cognitive
surplus, like open source software, look like they will pass that test.
可以看到,当今时代的标志就是速食文化,但速食文化的优点正是它的可被抛弃性。问题并不在于网上有多少愚蠢的东西──书店里这些东西同样多。问题在于现在的任何好点子能否经得起时间的考验。我们对于"认知盈余"的几种早期应用方式,如开源软件,似乎就能经得起检验。
The past was not as golden, nor is the present as tawdry, as the pessimists suggest, but the only thing really worth arguing about is the future. It is our
misfortune, as a
historicalgeneration, to live through the largest
expansion in
expressive capability in human history, a
misfortune because
abundance breaks more things than
scarcity. We are now witnessing the rapid
stress of older
institutions accompanied by the slow and fitful development of
cultural alternatives. Just as required education was a
response to print, using the Internet well will require new
culturalinstitutions as well, not just new technologies.
过去不尽是辉煌,现在也不像悲观人士所说的那样俗艳不堪,但只有未来才值得畅想和讨论。作为生活在人类有史以来信息容量经历最大规模膨胀的历史阶段的一代人,我们是不幸的,这是因为比起信息匮乏来,信息的极大丰富反而使更多的事物面临崩溃。如今我们正在见证旧文化体系的急速衰落,以及替代文化的时断时续的缓慢孕育过程。正如印刷带来教育的普及,互联网的健康发展不仅需要新技术,还必须有新的文化体系。