Lays of Ancient Rome
by Thomas Babbington Macaulay
Preface
Horatius
The Lay
The Battle of the Lake Regillus
The Lay
Virginia
The Lay
The Prophecy of Capys
The Lay
That what is called the history of the Kings and early Consuls of
Rome is to a great
extentfabulous, few scholars have, since the
time of Beaufort, ventured to deny. It is certain that, more than
three hundred and sixty years after the date
ordinarily assigned
for the
foundation of the city, the public records were, with
scarcely an
exception, destroyed by the Gauls. It is certain that
the oldest annals of the
commonwealth were compiled more than a
century and a half after this
destruction of the records. It is
certain,
therefore, that the great Latin
writers of the Augustan
age did not possess those materials, without which a trustworthy
account of the
infancy of the
republic could not possibly be
framed. Those
writers own, indeed, that the chronicles to which
they had
access were filled with battles that were never fought,
and Consuls that were never inaugurated; and we have abundant
proof that, in these chronicles, events of the greatest
importance, such as the issue of the war with Porsena and the
issue of the war with Brennus, were grossly misrepresented. Under
these circumstances a wise man will look with great
suspicion on
the legend which has come down to us. He will perhaps be inclined
to regard the
princes who are said to have founded the civil and
religious institutions of Rome, the sons of Mars, and the husband
of Egeria, as mere mythological personages, of the same class
with Perseus and Ixion. As he draws nearer to the confines of
authentic history, he will become less and less hard of belief.
He will admit that the most important parts of the
narrative have
some
foundation in truth. But he will
distrust almost all the
details, not only because they seldom rest on any solid evidence,
but also because he will
constantlydetect in them, even when
they are within the limits of
physicalpossibility, that peculiar
character, more easily understood than defined, which
distinguishes the creations of the
imagination from the realities
of the world in which we live.
The early history of Rome is indeed far more
poetical than
anything else in Latin
literature. The loves of the Vestal and
the God of War, the
cradle laid among the reeds of Tiber, the
fig-tree, the she-wolf, the shepherd's cabin, the recognition,
the fratricide, the rape of the Sabines, the death of Tarpeia,
the fall of Hostus Hostilius, the struggle of Mettus Curtius
through the marsh, the women rushing with torn
raiment and
dishevelled hair between their fathers and their husbands, the
nightly meetings of Numa and the Nymph by the well in the sacred
grove, the fight of the three Romans and the three Albans, the
purchase of the Sibylline books, the crime of Tullia, the
simulated
madness of Brutus, the ambiguous reply of the Delphian
oracle to the Tarquins, the wrongs of Lucretia, the
heroicactions of Horatius Cocles, of Scaevola, and of Cloelia, the
battle of Regillus won by the aid of Castor and Pollux, the
defense of Cremera, the
touching story of Coriolanus, the still
more
touching story of Virginia, the wild legend about the
draining of the Alban lake, the
combat between Valerius Corvus
and the
gigantic Gaul, are among the many instances which will at
once suggest themselves to every reader.
In the
narrative of Livy, who was a man of fine
imagination,
these stories
retain much of their
genuinecharacter. Nor could
even the tasteless Dionysius
distort and mutilate them into mere
prose. The
poetry shines, in spite of him, through the dreary
pedantry of his eleven books. It is discernible in the most
tedious and in the most
superficial modern works on the early
times of Rome. It enlivens the dulness of the Universal History,
and gives a charm to the most meagre abridgements of Goldsmith.
Even in the age of Plutarch there were discerning men who
rejected the popular
account of the
foundation of Rome, because
that
account appeared to them to have the air, not of a history,
but of a
romance or a drama. Plutarch, who was displeased at
their incredulity, had nothing better to say in reply to their
arguments than that chance sometimes turns poet, and produces
trains of events not to be
distinguished from the most elaborate
plots which are constructed by art. But though the
existence of a
poetical element in the early history of the Great City was
detected so many ages ago, the first
critic who
distinctly saw
from what source that
poetical element had been derived was James
Perizonius, one of the most acute and
learned antiquaries of the
seventeenth century. His theory, which in his own days attracted
little or no notice, was revived in the present
generation by
Niebuhr, a man who would have been the first
writer of his time,
if his
talent for communicating truths had borne any proportion
to his
talent for investigating them. That theory has been
adopted by several
eminent scholars of our own country,
particularly by the Bishop of St. David's, by Professor Malde,
and by the lamented Arnold. It appears to be now generally
received by men conversant with
classicalantiquity; and indeed
it rests on such strong proofs, both
internal and
external, that
it will not be easily subverted. A popular
exposition of this
theory, and of the evidence by which it is supported, may not be
without interest even for readers who are unac
quainted with the
ancient languages.
The Latin
literature which has come down to us is of later date
than the
commencement of the Second Punic War, and consists
almost
exclusively of works fashioned on Greek models. The Latin
metres,
heroic, elegiac, lyric, and
dramatic, are of Greek
origin. The best Latin epic
poetry is the
feeble echo of the
Iliad and Odyssey. The best Latin eclogues are imitations of
Theocritus. The plan of the most finished didactic poem in the
Latin tongue was taken from Hesiod. The Latin tragedies are bad
copies of the masterpieces of Sophocles and Euripides. The Latin
philosophy was borrowed, without
alteration, from the Portico and
the Academy; and the great Latin orators
constantly proposed to
themselves as patterns the speeches of Demosthenes and Lysias.
But there was an earlier Latin
literature, a
literature truly
Latin, which has
wholly perished, which had, indeed almost
whollyperished long before those whom we are in the habit of regarding
as the greatest Latin
writers were born. That
literature abounded
with metrical
romances, such as are found in every country where
there is much
curiosity and
intelligence, but little
reading and
writing. All human beings, not utterly
savage, long for some
information about past times, and are
delighted by
narratives
which present pictures to the eye of the mind. But it is only in
very enlightened communities that books are
readilyaccessible.
Metrical
composition,
therefore, which, in a highly civilized
nation, is a mere
luxury, is, in nations imperfectly civilized,
almost a necessary of life, and is valued less on
account of the
pleasure which it gives to the ear, than on
account of the help
which it gives to the memory. A man who can
invent or embellish
an interesting story, and put it into a form which others may
easily
retain in their
recollection, will always be highly
esteemed by a people eager for
amusement and information, but
destitute of libraries. Such is the
origin of ballad-
poetry, a
species of
composition which scarcely ever fails to spring up and
flourish in every society, at a certain point in the progress
towards
refinement. Tacitus informs us that songs were the only
memorials of the past which the ancient Germans possessed. We
learn from Lucan and from Ammianus Marcellinus that the brave
actions of the ancient Gauls were commemorated in the verses of
Bards. During many ages, and through many revolution, minstrelsy
retained its influence over both the Teutonic and the Celtic
race. The
vengeance exacted by the
spouse of Attila for the
murder of Siegfried was
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celebrated in rhymes, of which Germany is
still
justly proud. The exploits of Athelstane were commemorated