atmosphere on minds and temperaments
unused to such
luxuries. The Yarkand manner was not popular."
"And the
contents of the paper," said the
nephew,
"did they show the influence of the new style?"
"Ah!" said Sir Lulworth, "that was the exciting
thing. In home affairs, social questions, and the
ordinary events of the day not much change was
noticeable. A certain Oriental
carelessness seemed to
have crept into the
editorial department, and perhaps a
note of lassitude not
unnatural in the work of men who
had returned from what had been a fairly
arduous journey.
The aforetime standard of
excellence was scarcely
maintained, but at any rate the general lines of policy
and
outlook were not
departed from. It was in the realm
of foreign affairs that a
startling change took place.
Blunt, forcible, out
spoken articles appeared, couched in
language which nearly turned the autumn manoeuvres of six
important Powers into mobilisations. Whatever else the
DAILY INTELLIGENCER had
learned in the East, it had not
acquired the art of
diplomatic ambiguity. The man in the
street enjoyed the articles and bought the paper as he
had never bought it before; the men in Downing Street
took a different view. The Foreign Secretary, hitherto
accounted a rather reticent man, became positively
garrulous in the course of perpetually disavowing the
sentiments expressed in the DAILY INTELLIGENCER'S
leaders; and then one day the Government came to the
conclusion that something
definite and
drastic must be
done. A deputation, consisting of the Prime Minister,
the Foreign Secretary, four leading financiers, and a
well-known Nonconformist
divine, made its way to the
offices of the paper. At the door leading to the
editorial department the way was barred by a
nervous but
defiant office-boy.
" 'You can't see the editor nor any of the staff,'
he announced.
" 'We insist on
seeing the editor or some
responsible person,' said the Prime Minister, and the
deputation forced its way in. The boy had
spoken truly;
there was no one to be seen. In the whole suite of rooms
there was no sign of human life.
" 'Where is the editor?' 'Or the foreign editor?'
'Or the chief leader-
writer? Or anybody?'
"In answer to the
shower of questions the boy
unlocked a
drawer and produced a strange-looking
envelope, which bore a Khokand postmark, and a date of
some seven or eight months back. It contained a scrap of
paper on which was written the following message:
" 'Entire party captured by brigand tribe on
homeward journey. Quarter of million demanded as ransom,
but would probably take less. Inform Government,
relations, and friends.'
"There followed the signatures of the principal
members of the party and instructions as to how and where
the money was to be paid.
"The letter had been directed to the office-boy-in-
charge, who had quietly suppressed it. No one is a hero
to one's own office-boy, and he
evidently considered that
a quarter of a million was an unwarrantable
outlay for
such a
doubtfullyadvantageous object as the repatriation
of an errant newspaper staff. So he drew the
editorialand other salaries, forged what signatures were
necessary, engaged new reporters, did what sub-editing he
could, and made as much use as possible of the large
accumulation of special articles that was held in reserve
for emergencies. The articles on foreign affairs were
entirely his own composition.
"Of course the whole thing had to be kept as quiet
as possible; an interim staff, pledged to
secrecy, was
appointed to keep the paper going till the pining
captives could be sought out, ransomed, and brought home,
in twos and threes to escape notice, and gradually things
were put back on their old
footing. The articles on
foreign affairs reverted to the wonted traditions of the
paper."
"But," interposed the
nephew, "how on earth did the
boy
account to the
relatives all those months for the
non-appearance - "
"That," said Sir Lulworth, "was the most brilliant
stroke of all. To the wife or nearest
relative of each
of the
missing men he forwarded a letter, copying the
handwriting of the
supposedwriter as well as he could,
and making excuses about vile pens and ink; in each
letter he told the same story, varying only the locality,
to the effect that the
writer, alone of the whole party,
was
unable to tear himself away from the wild liberty and
allurements of Eastern life, and was going to spend
several months roaming in some selected region. Many of
the wives started off immediately in
pursuit of their
errant husbands, and it took the Government a
considerable time and much trouble to reclaim them from
their fruitless quests along the banks of the Oxus, the
Gobi Desert, the Orenburg steppe, and other outlandish
places. One of them, I believe, is still lost somewhere
in the Tigris Valley."
"And the boy?"
"Is still in journalism."
THE BYZANTINE OMELETTE
SOPHIE CHATTEL-MONKHEIM was a Socialist by
conviction and a Chattel-Monkheim by marriage. The
particular member of that
wealthy family whom she had
married was rich, even as his
relatives counted riches.
Sophie had very
advanced and
decided views as to the
distribution of money: it was a
pleasing and fortunate
circumstance that she also had the money. When she
inveighed eloquently against the evils of
capitalism at
drawing-room meetings and Fabian
conferences she was
conscious of a comfortable feeling that the
system, with
all its inequalities and iniquities, would probably last
her time. It is one of the consolations of middle-aged
reformers that the good they inculcate must live after
them if it is to live at all.
On a certain spring evening, somewhere towards the
dinner-hour, Sophie sat tranquilly between her mirror and
her maid, undergoing the process of having her hair built
into an
elaboratereflection of the
prevailing fashion.
She was hedged round with a great peace, the peace of one
who has attained a desired end with much effort and
perseverance, and who has found it still eminently
desirable in its
attainment. The Duke of Syria had
consented to come beneath her roof as a guest, was even
now installed beneath her roof, and would
shortly be
sitting at her dining-table. As a good Socialist, Sophie
disapproved of social distinctions, and derided the idea
of a
princely caste, but if there were to be these
artificial gradations of rank and
dignity she was pleased
and
anxious to have an exalted
specimen of an exalted