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most which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or white,

and the practice of the Southern colonies has alwais been to make



every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his labourers whether they be

black or white. He acknowledges indeed that freemen work the most;



but they consume the most also. They do not produce a greater

surplus for taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed so



expensively as a freeman. Again white women are exempted from labor

generally, but negro women are not. In this then the Southern states



have an advantage as the article now stands. It has sometimes been

said that slavery is necessary because the commodities they raise



would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is

said that the labor of the slave is the dearest.



Mr. Payne urged the original resolution of Congress, to

proportion the quotas of the states to the number of souls.



Dr. [John] Witherspoon was of opinion that the value of lands &

houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and that it



was practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true

barometer of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself,



and unequal between the States. It has been objected that negroes

eat the food of freemen & therefore should be taxed. Horses also eat



the food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. It has

been said too that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes



the state is to pay, we do no more than those states themselves do,

who alwais take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual



is to pay. But the cases are not parallel. In the Southern colonies

slaves pervade the whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole



continent. That as to the original resolution of Congress to

proportion the quotas according to the souls, it was temporary only,



& related to the monies heretofore emitted: whereas we are now

entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground.



Aug 1. The question being put the amendment proposed was

rejected by the votes of N. Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode island,



Connecticut, N. York, N. Jersey, & Pennsylvania, against those of

Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North & South Carolina. Georgia was



divided.

The other article was in these words. "Art. XVII. In



determining questions each colony shall have one vote."

July 30. 31. Aug 1. Present 41. members. Mr. Chase observed



that this article was the most likely to divide us of any one

proposed in the draught then under consideration. That the larger



colonies had threatened they would not confederate at all if their

weight in congress should not be equal to the numbers of people they



added to the confederacy; while the smaller ones declared against a

union if they did not retain an equal vote for the protection of



their rights. That it was of the utmostconsequence to bring the

parties together, as should we sever from each other, either no



foreign power will ally with us at all, or the different states will

form different alliances, and thus increase the horrors of those



scenes of civil war and bloodshed which in such a state of separation

& independance would render us a miserable people. That our



importance, our interests, our peace required that we should

confederate, and that mutual sacrifices should be made to effect a



compromise of this difficult question. He was of opinion the smaller

colonies would lose their rights, if they were not in some instances



allowed an equal vote; and therefore that a discrimination should

take place among the questions which would come before Congress.



That the smaller states should be secured in all questions concerning

life or liberty & the greater ones in all respecting property. He



therefore proposed that in votes relating to money, the voice of each

colony should be proportioned to the number of its inhabitants.



Dr. Franklin thought that the votes should be so proportioned

in all cases. He took notice that the Delaware counties had bound up



their Delegates to disagree to this article. He thought it a very

extraordinary language to be held by any state, that they would not



confederate with us unless we would let them dispose of our money.

Certainly if we vote equally we ought to pay equally; but the smaller



states will hardly purchase the privilege at this price. That had he

lived in a state where the representation, originally equal, had



become unequal by time & accident he might have submitted rather than

disturb government; but that we should be very wrong to set out in



this practice when it is in our power to establish what is right.

That at the time of the Union between England and Scotland the latter






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