travelling-companion of the day. I will not 'do' this country at
all."
And I forgot all about India for ten days while I went out to
dinners and watched the social customs of the people, which are
entirely different from our customs, and was introduced to men of
many millions. These persons are
harmless in their earlier
stages--that is to say, a man worth three or four million dollars
may be a good
talker, clever,
amusing, and of the world; a man
with twice that
amount is to be avoided, and a twenty million man
is--just twenty millions. Take an
instance. I was
speaking to a
newspaper man about
seeing the
proprietor of his
journal, as in
my
innocence I
supposed newspaper men
occasionally did. My
friend snorted indignantly:--"See him! Great Scott! No. If he
happens to appear in the office, I have to
associate with him;
but, thank Heaven! outside of that I move in circles where he
cannot come."
And yet the first thing I have been taught to believe is that
money was everything in America!
II
American Politics
I HAVE been watching machinery in
repose after
reading about
machinery in action.
An excellent gentleman, who bears a name honored in the magazine,
writes, much as Disraeli orated, of "the
sublime instincts of an
ancient people," the
certainty with which they can be trusted to
manage their own affairs in their own way, and the speed with
which they are making for all sorts of
desirable goals. This he
called a statement or purview of American
politics.
I went almost directly afterward to a
saloon where gentlemen
interested in ward
politicsnightlycongregate. They were not
pretty persons. Some of them were bloated, and they all swore
cheerfully till the heavy gold watch-chains on their fat stomachs
rose and fell again; but they talked over their
liquor as men who
had power and unquestioned
access to places of trust and profit.
The magazine
writer discussed theories of government; these men
the practice. They had been there. They knew all about it.
They banged their fists on the table and spoke of political
"pulls," the vending of votes, and so forth. Theirs was not the
talk of village babblers reconstructing the affairs of the
nation, but of strong,
coarse, lustful men fighting for spoil,
and
thoroughly under
standing the best methods of reaching it.
I listened long and
intently to speech I could not understand--or
but in spots.
It was the speech of business, however. I had sense enough to
know that, and to do my laughing outside the door.
Then I began to understand why my pleasant and well-educated
hosts in San Francisco spoke with a bitter scorn of such duties
of
citizenship as voting and
taking an interest in the
distribution of offices. Scores of men have told me, without
false pride, that they would as soon concern themselves with the
public affairs of the city or state as rake muck with a
steam-shovel. It may be that their lofty
disdain covers
selfishness, but I should be very sorry
habitually to meet the
fat gentlemen with shiny top-hats and plump cigars in whose
society I have been spending the evening.
Read about
politics as the cultured
writer of the magazine
regards 'em, and then, and not till then, pay your respects to
the gentlemen who run the grimy reality.
I'm sick of interviewing night editors who lean their chair
against the wall, and, in
response to my demand for the record of
a
prominent citizen, answer: "Well, you see, he began by keeping
a
saloon," etc. I prefer to believe that my informants are
treating me as in the old sinful days in India I was used to