consider (as did a $34 item called the Pizza Program) ice cream
as an appetizer? Indeed, there are many people who may quite
reasonably decide that they can get along very nicely without a
computer. Even the most
impressive information
networks may
provide the customer with nothing but a large telephone bill.
"You cannot rely on being able to find what you want," says
Atari's Kay. It's really more useful to go to a library."
It is becoming
increasingly evident that a fool assigned to
work with a computer can conceal his own
foolishness in the guise
of high-tech authority. Lives there a single citizen who has not
been commanded by a misguided computer to pay an income tax
installment or department store bill that he has already paid?
What is true for fools is no less true for criminals, who
are now able to commit electronic larceny from the comfort of
their living room. The probable champion is Stanley Mark Rifkin,
a computer analyst in Los Angeles, who tricked the machines at
the Security Pacific National Bank into giving him $10 million.
While free on bail for that in 1979 (he was
eventually sentenced
to eight years), he was arrested for
trying to steal $50 million
from Union Bank (the charges were
eventually dropped). According
to Donn Parker, a
specialist in computer abuse at SRI
International (formerly the Stanford Research Institute), "Nobody
seems to know exactly what computer crime is, how much of it
there is, and whether it is increasing or decreasing. We do know
that computers are changing the nature of business crime
significantly."
Even if all the
technical and
intellectual problems can be
solved, there are major social problems
inherent in the computer
revolution. The most obvious is
unemployment, since the basic
purpose of commercial computerization is to get more work done by
fewer people. One British study
predicts that
"automation-induced
unemployment" in Western Europe could reach
16% in the next
decade, but most analyses are more optimistic.
The general rule seems to be that new technology
eventuallycreates as many jobs as it destroys, and often more. "People who
put in computers usually increase their staffs as well," says
CPT's Scheff. "Of course," he adds, "one industry may kill
another industry. That's tough on some people."
Theoretically, all
unemployed workers can be retrained, but
retraining programs are not high on the nation's agenda. Many
new jobs, moreover, will require an aptitude in using computers,
and the retraining needed to use them will have to be
repeated as
the technology keeps improving. Says a chilling report by the
Congressional Office of Technology Assessments: "Lifelong
retraining is expected to become the norm for many people."
There is already considerable evidence that the school children
now being educated in the use of computers are generally the
children of the white middle class. Young blacks, whose
unemployment rate stands today at 50%, will find another barrier
in front of them.
Such social problems are not the fault of the computer, of
course, but a consequence of the way the American society might
use the computer. "Even in the days of the big mainframe
computers, they were a machine for the few," says Katherine Davis
Fishman, author of The Computer Establishment. "It was tool to
help the rich get richer. It still is to a large extent. One of
the great values of the personal computer is that smaller
concerns, smaller organizations can now have some of the
advantages of the bigger organizations."
How society uses its computers depends greatly on what kind
of computers are made and sold, and that depends, in turn, on an
industry in a state of chaotic growth. Even the name of the
product is a matter of debate: "microcomputer" sounds too
technical, but "home computer" does not fit an office machine.
"Desktop" sounds
awkward, and "personal computer" is at best a
compromise. Innovators are pushing off in different directions.
Hewlett Packard is experimenting with machines that respond to
vocal commands; Osborne is leading a rush toward portable
computers, ideally no larger than a book. And for every
innovator, there are at least five imitators selling copies.
There is much talk of a coming shakeout, and California
Consultant David E. Gold
predicts that perhaps no more than a
dozen vendors will survive the next five years. At the moment,
Dataquest estimates that Texas Instruments leads the low-price
parade with a 35% share of the market in computers selling for
less than $1,000. Next come Timex (26%), Commodore (15%) and
Atari (13%). In the race among machines priced between $1,000
and $5,000, Apple still commands 26% followed by IBM (17% and
Tandy/Radio Shack (10%). But IBM, which has dominated the
mainframe computer market for
decades, is coming on very strong.
Apple, fighting back, will unveil its new Lisa model in January,
putting great
emphasis on user
friendliness. The user will be
able to carry out many functions simply by pointing to a picture
of what he wants done rather than typing instructions. IBM is
also reported to be planning to introduce new machines in 1983,
as are Osborne and others.
Just across the horizon, as usual, lurk the Japanese.
During the 1970s, U.S. computer manufacturers complacently felt
that they were somehow immune from the Japanese combination of
engineering and
salesmanship that kept gnawing at U.S. auto,
steel and
appliance industries. One reason was that the Japanese
were developing their large domestic market. When they belatedly
entered the U.S.
battlefield, they concentrated not on selling
whole systems but on particular sectors--with dramatic results.
In low-speed
printers using what is known as the dot-matrix
method, the Japanese had only a 6% share of the market in 1980;
in 1982, they provided half the 500,000 such
printers sold in the
U.S. Says Computerland President Ed Faber: "About 75% of the
dot-matrix
printers we sell are Japanese, and almost all the
monitors. There is no better quality electronics than what we
see coming from Japan."
Whatever its variations, there is an inevitability about the
computerization of America. Commercial
efficiency requires it,
Big Government requires it, modern life requires it, and so it is
coming to pass. But the essential element in this sense of
inevitability is the way in which the young take to computers:
not as just another obligation imposed by adult society but as a
game, a pleasure, a tool, a system that fits naturally into their
lives. Unlike anyone over 40, these children have grown up with
TV screens; the computer is a screen that responds to them,
hooked to a machine that can be programmed to respond the way
they want it to. That is power.
There are now more than 100,000 computers in U.S. schools,
compared with 52,000 only 18 months ago. This is
roughly one for
every 400 pupils. The richer and more
progressive states do
better. Minnesota leads with one computer for every 50 children
and a locally produced collection of 700 software programs. To
spread this development more evenly and open new doors for
business. Apple has offered to
donate one computer to every
public school in the U.S.--a total of 80,000 computers worth $200
million retail--if Washington will
authorize a 25% tax write-off
(as is done for donations of scientific equipment to colleges).
Congress has so far failed to approve the idea, but California
has agreed to a similar proposal.
Many Americans
concerned about the erosion of the schools
put faith in the computer as a possible savior of their
children's education, at school and at home. The Yankelovich
poll showed that 57% thought personal computers would enable
children to read and to do
arithmetic better. Claims William
Ridley, Control Data's vice president for education strategy:
"If you want to improve youngsters one grade level in reading,
our PLATO program with teacher
supervision can do it up to four
times faster and for 40% less expense than teachers alone."
No less important than this kind of drill, which some
critics compare with the old-fashioned flash cards, is the use of
computers to teach children about computers. They like to learn
programming, and they are good at it, often better than their
teachers, even in the early grades. They treat it as play, a
secret skill, unknown among many of their parents. They delight
in cracking corporate security and filching financial secrets,
inventing new games and playing them on military
networks,
inserting obscene jokes into other people's programs. In soberer
versions that sort of skill will become a necessity in thousands
of jobs opening up in the future. Beginning in 1986,
Carnegie-Mellon University expects to require all of its students
to have their own personal computers. "People are willing to
spend a large amount of money to educate their children," says
Author Fishman. "So they're all buying computers for Johnny to
get a head start (though I have not heard anyone say, 'I am
buying a computer for Susie')."
This
transformation of the young raises a fundamental and
sometimes menacing question: Will the computer change the very
nature of human thought? And if so, for better or worse? There
has been much time wasted on the debate over whether computers
can be made to think, as HAL seemed to be doing in 2001, when it
murdered the astronauts who might challenge its command of the
spaceflight. That answer is simple: computers do not think, but
they do simulate many of the processes of the human brain:
remembering, comparing, analyzing. And as people rely on the
computer to do things that they used to do inside their heads,
what happens to their heads?
Will the computer's ability to do
routine work mean that
human thinking will shift to a higher level? Will IQs rise?
Will there be more
intellectuals? The computer may make a lot of
learning as unnecessary as memorizing the
multiplication tables.
But if a dictionary stored in the computer's memory can easily
correct any spelling mistakes, what is the point of learning to
spell? And if the mind is freed from
intellectualroutine, will
it race off in pursuit of important ideas or
lazily spend its
time on more video games?
Too little is known about how the mind works, and less
about how the computer might change that process. The
neuro
logical researches of Mark Rosenzweig and his colleagues at
Berkeley indicate that animals trained to learn and assimilate
information develop heavier cerebral cortices, more glial cells
and bigger nerve cells. But does the computer really stimulate
the brain's activity or, by doing so much of its work, permit it
to go slack?
Some educators do believe they see the outlines for change.
Seymour Papert, professor of
mathematics and education at M.I.T.
and author of Mindstorms: Children, Computers and Powerful
Ideas, invented the computer language named Logo, with which
children as young as six can program computers to design
mathematical figures. Before they can do that, however, they
must learn how to analyze a problem
logically, step by step.
"Getting a computer to do something," says Papert, "requires the
underlying process to be described, on some level, with enough
precision to be carried out by the machine." Charles P. Lecht,
president of the New York consulting firm Lecht Scientific,
argues that "what the lever was to the body, the computer system
is to the mind." Says he: "Computers help teach kids to think.
Beyond that, they motivate people to think. There is a great
difference between intelligence and manipulative capacity.
Computers help us to realize that difference."
The argument that computers train minds to be
logical makes
some experts want to reach for the computer key that says ERASE.
"The last thing you want to do is think more
logically," says
Atari's Kay. "The great think about computers is that they have
no
gravity systems. The
logical system is one that you make up.
Computers are a wonderful way of being bizarre."
Sherry Turkle, a sociologist now finishing a book titled
The Intimate Machine: Social and Cultural Studies of Computers
and People, sees the prospect of change in terms of perceptions
and feelings. Says she: "Children
define what's special about
people by contrasting them with their nearest neighbors, which
have always been the animals. People are special because they
know how to think. Now children who work with computers see the
computer as their nearest neighbor, so they see that people are
special because they feel. This may become much more central to
the way people think about themselves. We may be moving toward a
re-evaluation of what makes us human."
For all such prophecies, M.I.T. Computer Professor Joseph
Weizenbaum has answers ranging from
disapproval to scorn. He has
insisted that "giving children computers to play with...cannot
touch...any real problem," and he has described the new computer
generation as "bright young men of disheveled appearance [playing
out] megalomaniacal fantasies of omnipotence."
Weizenbaum's basic objection to the computer
enthusiasts is
that they have no sense of limits. Says he: "The
assertion that
all human knowledge is encodable in streams of zeros and
ones--philosophically, that's very hard to swallow. In effect,
the whole world is made to seem computable. This generates a
kind of tunnel vision, where the only problems that seem
legitimate are problems that can be put on a computer. There is
a whole world of real problems, of human problems, which is
essentially ignored."
So the revolution has begun, and as usually happens with
revolutions, nobody can agree on where it is going or how it will
end. Nils Nilsson, director of the Artificial Intelligence
Center at SRI International, believes the personal computer, like
television, can "greatly increase the forces of both good and
evil." Marvin Minsky, another of M.I.T.'s computer experts,
believes the key
significance of the personal computer is not the
establishment of an
intellectual ruling class, as some fear, but
rather a kind of democratization of the new technology. Says he:
"The desktop revolution has brought the tools that only
professionals have had into the hands of the public. God knows
what will happen now."
Perhaps the revolution will fulfill itself only when people
no longer see anything unusual in the brave New World, when they
see their computer not as a fearsome challenger to their
intelligence but as a useful linkup of some
everyday gadgets:
the calculator, the TV and the
typewriter. Or as Osborne's Adam
Osborne puts it: "The future lies in designing and selling
computers that people don't realize are computers at all."
--By Otto Friedrich. Reported by Michael Mortiz/San Francisco,
J. Madeleine Nash/Chicago and Peter Stoler/New York
关键字:
名人轶事生词表:
- irritation [,iri´teiʃən] n.(被)激怒;疼痛处 六级词汇
- surgery [´sə:dʒəri] n.外科;外科手术 四级词汇
- enduring [in´djuəriŋ] a.持久的 六级词汇
- impact [´impækt] n.影响,作用;冲击 六级词汇
- commonplace [´kɔmənpleis] a.平凡的;常见的 四级词汇
- ultimately [´ʌltimitli] ad.最后,最终 四级词汇
- increasingly [in´kri:siŋli] ad.日益,愈加 四级词汇
- accessible [ək´sesəbəl] a.易接近的;可到达的 四级词汇
- perspective [pə´spektiv] n.望远镜 a.透视的 六级词汇
- myriad [´miriəd] n.极大数量 a.无数的 四级词汇
- lebanon [´leibənən] n.黎巴嫩 六级词汇
- refugee [,refju´dʒi:] n.避难者;逃亡者 六级词汇
- argentina [,ɑ:dʒən´ti:nə] n.阿根廷 四级词汇
- taking [´teikiŋ] a.迷人的 n.捕获物 六级词汇
- fiscal [´fiskəl] a.财政的 六级词汇
- widespread [´waidspred] a.广布的;普遍的 四级词汇
- combustion [kəm´bʌstʃən] n.燃烧,着火 四级词汇
- vacuum [´vækjuəm] n.真空;空间 六级词汇
- polish [´pəuliʃ] a.波兰(人)的 n.波兰语 四级词汇
- hardware [´hɑ:dweə] n.五金器皿 四级词汇
- virtually [´və:tʃuəli] ad.实际上,实质上 四级词汇
- devoted [di´vəutid] a.献身…的,忠实的 四级词汇
- suburban [sə´bə:bən] a.郊区的 n.郊区居民 六级词汇
- weekend [´wi:kend, ,wi:k´end] n.周末休假 四级词汇
- alternative [ɔ:l´tə:nətiv] a.二中选一的 n.选择 四级词汇
- trying [´traiiŋ] a.难堪的;费劲的 四级词汇
- defensive [di´fensiv] a.&n.防御(的) 四级词汇
- bathroom [´bɑ:θrum, -ru:m] n.浴室;盥洗室 四级词汇
- setting [´setiŋ] n.安装;排字;布景 四级词汇
- category [´kætigəri] n.种类;部属;范畴 六级词汇
- indefinitely [in´defənitli] ad.模糊地;无限期地 四级词汇
- network [´netwə:k] n.网状物 vt.联播 四级词汇
- rotary [´rəutəri] a.旋转的 n.运行的机器 六级词汇
- competitive [kəm´petitiv] a.竞争的,比赛的 四级词汇
- stubble [´stʌbəl] n.麦茬;短须 六级词汇
- chicago [ʃi´kɑ:gəu] n.芝加哥 四级词汇
- printer [´printə] n.印刷者;排字工人 四级词汇
- breeding [´bri:diŋ] n.饲养,教养 四级词汇
- eventually [i´ventʃuəli] ad.最后,终于 四级词汇
- atlanta [ət´læntə] n.亚特兰大 四级词汇
- psychologist [sai´kɔlədʒist] n.心理学家 六级词汇
- terminal [´tə:minəl] n.终点(站) a.末端的 四级词汇
- version [´və:ʃən, ´və:rʒən] n.翻译;说明;译本 四级词汇
- enthusiast [in´θju:ziæst] n.热衷者,渴慕者 六级词汇
- creative [kri:´eitiv] a.有创造力的;创作的 四级词汇
- psychological [,saikə´lɔdʒikəl] a.心理学(上)的 四级词汇
- downtown [,daun´taun] ad.&a.在商业区 四级词汇
- traditional [trə´diʃənəl] a.传统的,习惯的 四级词汇
- laundry [´lɔ:ndri] n.洗衣店;待洗的衣服 四级词汇
- experienced [ik´spiəriənst] a.有经验的;熟练的 四级词汇
- physically [´fizikəli] ad.按照自然规律 四级词汇
- livelihood [´laivlihud] n.生活,生计 四级词汇
- spinal [´spainl] a.脊椎骨,脊骨的 六级词汇
- extended [iks´tendid] a.伸长的;广大的 六级词汇
- foresee [fɔ:´si:] vt.预见,预知 四级词汇
- drastic [´dræstik] a.激烈的,猛烈的 六级词汇
- fantasy [´fæntəsi] n.幻想(曲),想象 六级词汇
- disappearance [,disə´piərəns] n.消失;失踪 六级词汇
- exaggeration [ig,zædʒə´reiʃən] n.夸张,夸大 六级词汇
- script [skript] n.笔迹;手稿;剧本 六级词汇
- verdict [´və:dikt] n.裁决,判决;判定 四级词汇
- foolishness [´fu:liʃnis] n.愚蠢 六级词汇
- specialist [´speʃəlist] n.专家 四级词汇
- inherent [in´hiərənt] a.固有的,天生的 六级词汇
- unemployed [,ʌnim´plɔid] a.闲着的,失业的 四级词汇
- commodore [´kɔmədɔ:] n.海军准将 六级词汇
- friendliness [´frendlis] n.友爱,友好,友谊 六级词汇
- appliance [ə´plaiəns] n.用具,装置,设备 四级词汇
- battlefield [´bætlfi:ld] n.战场 六级词汇
- arithmetic [ə´riθmətik] n.算术 四级词汇
- transformation [,trænsfə´meiʃən] n.转化;转变;改造 四级词汇
- multiplication [,mʌltipli´keiʃən] n.增多;倍增;繁殖 六级词汇
- lazily [´leizili] ad.懒惰地,慢吞吞地 六级词汇
- mathematics [,mæθə´mætiks] n.数学 四级词汇
- logical [´lɔdʒikəl] a.逻辑(上)的 四级词汇
- disapproval [,disə´pru:vəl] n.不赞成;非难 六级词汇
- assertion [ə´sə:ʃən] n.断言;主张;论述 四级词汇